The Cold War: Bulgaria (1944-89)

Figure 1.--The Soviet after the initial Stalinist era gave their Eastern European satellite countries some limted leeway in domestic policies. No leeway, however, was allowed in foreign policy. All backed first North Korea and than Cuba and North Vietnam, providing them trade credits and advantageous tradng conditions as pat of COMCON. Here Ho hi Minh, the leader of newly independent North Viet Nam, visits Bulgaria as part of a tour of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe during 1957. The press caption read, "Contrasting expressions: North Vietnam's president, Ho Chi Minh, beams hapily as he picks up a serious-looking lad during a visit to a park in Sofia, Bulgaria. The North Vietnam leader visited Bulgaria on tour of Red satellite countries in Eastern Europe."

Hitler had forced Bulgarian to join the Axis, but the Bulgarians adamently refused to participate in the invasion of the Soviet Union. When the Soviet Red Army reached Bulgaroa (1944), the Bulgarians withdrew from the Axis and declared war on Germanyh on the Allied side. A new coalition goverrnment was formed in Sofia--the Fatherland Front which included the Communists. Initially the Communists, Bulgarian Workers' Party (BWP), took only a minority role in the government. Characteristically the BWP insisted on the Ministry of Interior, meaning that they controlled the police. The BWP had been excluded from power, thus they did not share in the blame attached to the old political parties for brining Bulgaria into the War. Thus membership in the Bulgarian Workers' Party (BWP) expanded substantially. The BWP moved to establish control over important state institutions (the army, the media, and civil service). The BWP also expanded its influence in local Fatherland Front inits. The Allied Control Commission in Bulgaria was controlled by the Soviets and associated the BWP. People who resisted the BWP were arrested. The U.S. and Britain, through the ACC, attempted to stop the BWP from turning Bulgaria from a multiparty democracy into a Soviet-style dictatorship (People's republic). The Red Army, NKVD, and BWP controlled Interior Ministry effectively controlled Bulgaria. The Allies did have the peace negotiations a a slender influence. The Soviets were, however, in control of the political process. Bulgaria was presented a peace treaty which was signed February 10, 1947. After this the Allies no longer had any influence in Bulgaria. The BWP proceeded to proclaime the People's Republic. The BWP was led by Georgi Dimitrov. (A leading Agrarian Party leader had the same name. A referendum was held on the monarchy (September 1946). The result was the abolition of the monarchy. A new constitution wasafopted (December 1947). It declared Bulgaria to be a People's Republic. The Fatherland Front presented a unified list of candidates (1946) They received 3.0 million votes. The opposition garnered 1.2 million vote. The Bugarian People's Republic proved to be a slavish Soviet satellite during the Cold War. Unlike the other satellite countries in the Soviet Empire, the NKVD/KGB had no problem managing their Bulgarian puppet regime. The Bulgarian version of the NKVD secret police was State Security (DS). They were responsible for a number of killings and assassinations (including some abroad), most of the victims of the communist regime were killed in the first several years by the so-called 'people's court'. The latter was nothing more than an angry mob comprised of criminals and poor peasants managed by the DS that basically exterminated the middle class trying to get hold of their wealth.

Bulgarian Communists

Bulgarian Communists as was the case in other European countries once a part of the overal European socialist movement. The founding group was the Bulgarian Social Democratic Party (BSDP). Many different views of socialism florished within the Party which at first operated on democraric lines. The father of Bulgarian Communism was socialism was Dimitar Blagoev, who help found the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers' Party (BSDWP) (1894). It included most of the hardline Marxist groups. The BSDWP split from the cialists at the 10th BSDP Congress (1903). The BSDWP opposed Portuguese entry World War I and was looked sympathetically on the Bolshevik October Revolution in Russia (1917). Blagoev led the BSDPW into the Communist International (Comintrn)upon its founding by the Bolsheviks (1919). After oining the Comintern the party was reorganised and restyled as the Communist Party of Bulgaria. Georgi Dimitrov was a member of the party's Central Committee from its foundation (1919) and remained there until his death in Moscow (1949). The Communists merged with the Bulgarian Workers' Party (BUP) and took its name.

World War II

The NAZIs duting the 1930s gave considerable diplomatic effort to drawing the Balkan coyntries unto the German orbit. The King resisted as best he could, but by 1941, NAZI military power and Bulgarian Fascist elements left King Boris III few options. Hitler as part of a Balkans settlement transferred Southern Dobrudža from Romania to Bulgaria (1940). Romania had fought with the Allies in World War I while Bulgaria had joined the Central Powers. The NAZIs applied considerable force and Bulgaria finally joined the Axis and agreed to the entry of German forces (March 1, 1941). The NAZIs offered Bulgaria the return of Macedonia. Bulgaria participated in the attack on Greece and Yugosalvia (April 1941). The Bulgarians in large part because of King Boris III who was very popular. The King refused to turn Bulgarian Jews over to the NAZIs as part of the Holocaust. The King employed a range of delaying tactics. The Bulgarians did, however, turn over Jews in the occupied areas of Greece and Yugoslavia. Bulgaria also refused to partcipate in the NAZI invasion of the Soviet Union (June 1941). King Boris who was very popular died mysteriously in 1943, possibly by heart attack or by assassination. The King's 6-year old son, Simeon II, succeeded under a regency. The Red Army driving the NAZIs back on the Eastern Front reached Romania (1944). The Soviets next declared war on Bulgaria abd crossed the Danube (September 8, 1944). Bulgarian army units and partisan bans joined with the Red army and quickly took Sofia. There was only limited NAZI resistance. Unlike Romania with the key Ploesti oil fields, Bulgaria wa of only marginal strategic value to the Reich. The Soviets on the next day seized the rest of Bulgaria (September 9). This day is now known as Liberation Day.

Bulgaian Worker's Party

A new coalition government was formed in Sofia--the Fatherland Front which included the Communists. Initially the Communists (Bulgarian Workers' Party --BWP), while cointrolling the country took only a minority public role in the government. Characteristically the BWP insisted on the Ministry of Interior, meaning that they controlled the police. The BWP had been excluded from power, thus they did not share in the blame attached to the old political parties for brining Bulgaria into the War. Membership in the Bulgarian Workers' Party (BWP) expanded substantially. The BWP moved to establish control over important state institutions (the army, the media, and civil service). The BWP also expanded its influence in local Fatherland Front units.

Communist Seizure of Power (1944-45)

Bulgaria had ben forced into the Axis and then the war by the Germns. Thus the Red Army formlly occupied the country and a peace treaty was needed. The Allied Control Commission (ACC) in Bulgaria was controlled by the Soviets and became associated the BWP. People who resisted the BWP were arrested. The U.S. and Britain, through the ACC, attempted to stop the BWP from turning Bulgaria from a multi-party democracy into a Soviet-style dictatorship (people's republic). The Red Army, NKVD, and BWP, however, through the Interior Ministry already effectively controlled Bulgaria. The Allies did have the peace negotiations as a slender influence. The Soviets were, however, in control of the political process. Bulgaria was presented a peace treaty which was signed (February 10, 1947). After this the Allies no longer had any influence in Bulgaria.

People's Republic (1946)

The BWP proceeded to proclaime the People's Republic. The BWP was led by Georgi Dimitrov. (A leading Agrarian Party leader had the same name.) He became Bulgaria's first communist leader (1946-49). Stalin chose Dimitrov for some reason, we are not entirely sure why, to be his front man to lead the Third Comintern (Communist International) (1934-1943). He was a Marxist theorist focusing on capitalism. He expanded Lenin's views by arguing that Fascism was the dictatorship of the most reactionary elements of 'financial capitalism'. In fact nothing could be further from the truth. Fascism like Communim involved seizing control of the economy. Under Fascism, business were left nonimally in private hands, but control was in the hands of party leaders. Dimitrov as a young man trained as a compositor and became active in the Sofia labor movement. He becae active in the Bulgarian socialist movement which affiliated with Bolshevism and the Comintern. He achieved considerable prestige in the socialist community for opposition to World War I (1917), involvement in a coup (1923), and than his trial in Berlin, charged by the NAZIs with involvement in the Reichstag Fire (1933). His support for Stalin was noted and rewarded. As the Red Army drove toward the Balkans adter the German defeat at Kurksk (1943), Dimitrov resigned his Comintern post and began focusing on Bulgarian politics. And with the Red Army supporting him, began to establish the foundation for a Communist Bulgaria (1944). The Fatherland Front presented a unified list of candidates (November 1945). They received 3.0 million votes. The opposition garnered 1.2 million vote. The Fatherland Front was of course a thinly veiled front for the Communists. The election gave the Communists and Dimitrov control of the new National Assembly. A referendum was held on the monarchy (September 1946). The result was the abolition of the monarchy and the royal family was exiled. The Communists moved to consolidated their hold on Bulgaria. Elections for a constituent assembly gave the Communist Party a majority (October 1946). The next month Dimitrov became prime minister. The constituent assembly ratified a new constitution -- the "Dimitrov Constitution" (December 1947). The drafting of the constitution was overseen by 'fraternal' Soviet jurists who of couse raised the 1936 Soviet Constitution as an ideal model. It declared Bulgaria to be a People's Republic. Dimitrov et up up the mot Stalinist ofall the Eastern European Stalinist regimes. The Bulgarian secret police which the NKVD helped estanlish was State Security (DS) and proved highly efficent. The remaining opposition parties were either realigned or dissolved. Any real opponents were arrested. The Social Democrats merged with the Communists, while the Agrarian Union became a loyal Communist partner. Dimitrov as expected adopted orthodox Stalinist policies. He oversaw the collectivization of agriculture. He also began an industrialisation campaign. And along with hese new efforts a widespred program of repression was iniitiated. Opponents, ‘class traitors’, and a range of 'awkward' individuals were harshly dealt with. by the strict Stalinist regime, Peasant resistance was crushed as Stalin had done. Labor camps were set up and would eventually reach a level of 100,000 detainees. Thousands were executed, at first the disidents but as in the Soviet Union Communist Party members soon folloed. Many more died in the labor camps. [Sharlanov and Ganev] An atheism campaign was also launched. The Orthodox Patriarch was confined to a monastery and the his Church placed under Communist control.

Balkan Federation: Federation of the Southern Slavs

The Bulgarian-Yugoslave effort to form a Balkan Federation ultimately lednowhere, but had a significant impact on the futures of both countries' leaders--Dimitrov and Tito. And it also affected the Soviet Yugoslav break--the firt chip in a monolithic Communist world. Thus it is useful to look at it in some detail. Dimitrov once in control of of Bulgaria began negotiating with Tito in Yugoslavia over the creation of a Federation of the Southern Slavs. Discussion of the possibility began almost as soon as the Red Army reached the Balkans. A federation was of interest to Communist Party officials in both Bulgaria and Yugoslvia. Discussions began (November 1944). [Gallagher, p. 181.] It is unclear to what extent Stalin was aware of the interest or consulted on the matter. Or to what extent he took an interest in it. This union seems based on the idea that Yugoslavia and Bulgaria were the only two homelands of the Southern Slavs who were separated from the larger Slavic world to the north. Bulgarians have mixed ethnic origins, but the adoption of a Slavic language suggests that Slavc tribes over time dominated the population. The concept of a Slavic union eventually led to the Bled Accord signed by Dimitrov and Tito (1947). This involved abandoning frontier travel barriers, preparing for a customs union, and Yugoslavia unilaterally forgiving Bulgarian World War I reparations. One of the key issues in the plan was the Blagoevgrad Region of Bulgaria -- Pirin Macedonia or the couthwest province of Bulgaria. This was to becombined with Yugoslav Mavedonia and turned into the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. Serbia (Yugilavia) would then return of the Western Outlands to Bulgaria. Bulgaria in preparation for this agreed to accepted Yugoslav (Macedonian) teachers to teach the newly codified Macedonian language in the the Pirin Macedonia schools. Until this time, Bulgaria had been rutlessy supressing Macedonian culture and language in the povince. Bulgarian officials in the Blagoevgrad Region were suddenly ordered to begin promoting a Macedonian identity. [Sygkelos, p. 156.] Before the Bakan Federation envisioned by the Bled Accord became a reality differences surfaced between Tito and Dimitrov. There were fundamental differences between the two Communist leaders, especially regarding the nature of the new state that they were creating. Dimitrov's concept for the Federation was a state inwhich Yugoslavia and Bulgaria would have an equal status with Macedonia basically overseen by Bulgaria. Tito had a very different view. He envisioned Bulgaria a Yugoslavia's seventh republic in an expanded Yugoslavia which would be ruled by Belgrade. [Wilkinson, pp. 311-12.] There were also differences over the national character of the Macedonians. Dimitrov saw the Macedonians as a kind of offshoot of the Bulgarians nation rather than a real national group. [Meier, p. 183.] Tito in contrast saw them as an independent nation with no special relationship with the Bulgarians. [Poulton, pp. 107-108.] Dimitrov does not seem to have understood Tito's vision or the implications for Bulgaria. It is difficult to understand how there could have been such miscommunication and given such differences how the Bled accord could have been signed. What ever the reason, Dimitrov's initial willingness to accept Macedonization of Pirin Macedonia switched suddenly to concern about Yuggoslav encroachment. We are not sure just when Stalin became aware if the Federation Dimitrov and Tito were preparing or the extent to which they cleared it with him. We do know that Stalin began to see the Federation as a threat to his absolute control control over his new Eastern Eurpean Soviet empire. [Gallagher, p. 181] Stalin invited Dimitrov and Tito to consult on the Federation (January 1948). This probably meant Stalin was gong to give them instructions. Dimitrov readily accepted the invitation, but Tito sensing danger given that differenes were energing with Stalin sent Edvard Kardelj, a close associate, to represent him. Shortly after the break betweem Tito and Stalin erupted into the public eye. The Cominform which Dimitrov had headed and Stalin's principal instrument through which to to exert his control over the Soviet empire formally expelled Yugoslavia from the Assembly, charging that Tito had deviated from the correct Communist line. Stalin through the Comintern charged that Tito was guilty of flouting the 'unified communist front against imperialism'.[Armstrong] Meaning of course that he differed with Stalin. Another charge was that Tito was taking the nationalist road. [Bass and Marbury] This was a startling event in world Communism, the first hallenge to Stalin's control of world Communism. In the aftermath of Tito's split, Dimitrov the opportunity to pull back from the Federation ad join the chorous of Eastern European Communits (all under Stalin's control) attacking Tito. Dimitrov denounced Tito and described Yugoslav policy in Macedonia as expansionistic. He claimed that Tito had 'reversed' his policy on Macedonia. [Wilkinson, pp. 311-12] The idea of a Balkan Federation and a United Macedonia once so enthusiastically pursued was abandoned like a hot potato. The Yugoslav Macedonian teachers were abruptly expelled and teaching of Macedonian throughout Pirin Macedonia ceased. In fact, Pirin Macedonia today is a Bulgarian province that has been totally de-Macedonianized. The population now has a virtually universal Bulgarian identity. There was a further fall out that is impossible at this time to know with any surity. Dimitrov had been a loyal Stalinist from the point Stalin rose to power. But no matter how much he joined the Stlinist chorus against Tito, it seems that Stalin who was pathologically prone to conspiracies, was influenced by the idea that his staunch supporter had once so closely embraced Tito. There are of course aong history of close associates who subsequently were the unfortunate recipients of Stalin's ire. Given their role in Stalinist attrocities, historians for the mot part shed few tears for them.

People's Courts

Most of the victims of the communist regime were killed in the first several years by the so-called 'People's Courts'. A Bulgarian contributor tells us, "The People's Courts were nothing more than an angry mob comprised of criminals and poor peasants managed by the DS that basically exterminated the middle class trying to get hold of their wealth. You probably imagine a court with a jury, advocates, a judge and some laws to follow. It was nothing like that. It was an improvised war tribunal, those people were not magistrates but usually just peasants, criminals, ex-partisan militia, there was even rarely someone that represents the official state officially. Thus many of the victim cases were not documented at all. People were convicted for things like 'he was too rich' or 'he was a doctor and his fees were too high', 'he once said the communists are scum', or something like that. Often the charges were completely made up. The purpose was to exterminate the person in question. The People's Court usually took his belongings and the state subsequently nationalized his properties. Those weren't in many case organized, yet they were supported by the state itself. They did the dirty job of the communists to eliminate their potential opposition. Occasionally, some of the participants conscience would made them break up only to become the next victim ('traitor' or something). The closest today's equivalent to this I can think of is probably the ISIS. Things like that were not well organized though." [Rangelov]

Stalinist Show Trials (1949)

Stalin ordered a series of purges of the Soviet Eastern European satellite refimes he had put in power. Traicho Kostov Djunevin was the Council of Ministers and General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party. He had been the leading figure of the Bulgarian Communist Party as the Party began to rise after the departure of the Germans and arrival of the Red Army (1944). He was less well known than Georgi Dimitrov and Vasil Kolarov, but by most accounts was probably the most active personality in the country's Communist leadership. Stalin through the NKVD ordered him purged and arrested. He was tried together with ten associates at a show trial held in Sofia (December 1949). The Bulgarian Supreme Court sentenced him to death and 2 days later the execution was caried out. After the execution, Bulgarian leaders sent Stalin a telegram thanking him for his assistance. [Crampton, p. 261-63.] One prominent name not in the show trial docket was Georgi Dimitrov. Dimitrov had already died (July 1949). He died in the Barvikha sanatorium near Moscow. This has resulted in widespread speculations. Many believe that Stalin had ordered him poisoned. Dimitrov was unlike the other Bulgarian Communist leaders, was well known oitsude the country and had a considerable reutation. Thus a quite exist in a Moscow sanitorium would seem to make more sense than inclusion in a show trial. There is no actual evidence of all this, but the NKVD could have easily accomplished it without leaving any evidence. The fact that his health deteriorated very abruptly. Many who endorse the the poisoning thesis believe that Stalin was suspicious of the Balkan Federation that Dimitrov and Tito hatched and saw it as closely related to Tito's opposition to Soviet control. [Chary, p. 131.] A large state like the Balkan Federaion would have been even more difficult to control than Yugoslavia.

Mass Organization

Democracies are counries structured in such a way that affords citizens to independently exert pressure on goverment through elections, publicity campaigns, protests, and other means to affect policies. Socialist totalitarian states (both the Communist and Fascist variants) are structured in the oppisite way, small ruling cliques determine state policies without popular input and rather exert presure on the subject populations to conform. Totalitarian states are cintrolled by one rulin Party. Other parties were outlawed or coopted. The ruling party in Bulgaria was the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) which coopted a basically e\window dressing coalition partner, the Bulgarian Agrarian National Union. Here Fascism and Communism which developed largely similar policies and political processes, diverged slightly. The Fascists made no secret of their disdain for the principle of democracy. Fascist regimes adopted the Führer Principle (Führerprinzip). A single all powerful leader with vitually mystical capabilitie made the decisions. Communists have pretended to opeate a democacies--often styling themselves people's democracies. People's Republic of Bulgaria They often had collective leaderships, although often single leaders seized control (Castro, Kim, Mao, and Stalin). In Bulgaria, Todor Zhivkov with the support of Stalin became the BCP leader (1954). And he ruled for the following 33 years. Now whether we are talking the Communist or Fascist Socialist variant, each totalitarian state moved to control all organizations and institutions. The membership of the Communist party as conceptualized by Lenin's was to be limited to a select group of activits. There was, however, the need for a network of separate, but controlled organizations asigned to mobilize mass support for the Party. Commonly people's democracies had similar organizations and institutions as liberal democracies. Normally the Party seized control of existing institutions, including cultural groups, peasant associations, profesional organiations, sports' asociations, student groups, trade unions, welfare groups like the Red Cross, women's groups, and youth groups (Young Pioneers). The difference was that they were no longer independent designed to influence Government policy. They were government ot Party unit desined to ensure that people confirm and support to established policies. No independent groups werte permitted to organize. Even the Christian churches were penetrated by the Party with some exceptions (primarily Poland.) To give the illusion of mass support and to maintain the fiction of a people's democracy, mass demontrations were organized. Demonstration took on a new sense. They were very different from demonstratiins in the West which were normally independent expressions of citizens protesting government policies or demanding government or societal changes. Mass demonsrations in people's democracies were organized by the Party abd designed to give the impession of nearly unanimous public support for Partyand Government policies. Participation was virtually mandatory though schools and organizations controlled by the Party.

Secret Police

The state security apparatus was a completely different thing from the People's Courts. It did not get involved in massacres, yet it was successful in creating an atmosphere of general fear and paranoia. Unlike the other satellite countries in the Soviet Empire, the NKVD/KGB had no problem managing their Bulgarian puppet regime. The Bulgarian version of the NKVD secret police was State Security (DS). The political police (which was modeled after NKVD) was not remotely as brutal as its Soviet equivalent, though it was responsible for number of murders as well. Also, we had the equivalent of the Gulag, especially in the Stalinist era, hundreds, probably thousands died there, but they were nothing compared to the Soviet ones. Basically atrocities here were reduced a lot after Stalin's death. They still sent 'hardest cases' to Belene or Skravena (our Gulag), but that was rare after the end of the 50s The DS formed a unit Service 7, led by colonel Petko Kovachev, dedicated to murder, kidnaping and disinformation against Bulgarian dissidents living abroad. They were responsible for a number of killings and assassinations (including some abroad). The unit conducted actions against dissidents in Italy, Britain, Denmark, West Germany, Turkey, France, Ethiopia, Sweden and Switzerland. DS documents with details about its activities were declassified (2010). A Bulgarian reader tells us about DS and Service 7. "Some of the most notable activities began by the time the opposition was mostly crushed, middle/higher class either slaughtered or abroad and there were just a few armed groups in the mountains fighting against the regime. Its primary targets were those groups and the anti-communist emigrants abroad. It later targeted 'defectors' which they called 'national traitors' such as Markov who was assassinated using the infamous 'Bulgarian umbrella' in London. I have a nice collection of State Security (DS) documents that were declassified, digitalized, and made publicly accessible on the net after the fall of Communism. Unfortunately they were not translated to English. Among them, there are interesting reads, you can find some 'authors' still active in current political life. Very ugly. You have a good idea of what those people thought. I can say from today's perspective they were so blind and arrogantly stupid, that it is beyond comprehension in some cases. I really doubt some of them did not realize how idiotic they sounded. Anyway, they put great efforts in that. For example with 'enemy' broadcast stations, they knew everyone that worked there, their salaries, professional and personal relations, even who had affairs. They had plans of transmitter sites. Knew even the guards names. They made lots of efforts to discredit someone, plant an agent there, even planned assassinations. One such planned assassination plan was described in details in a document and it was disgustingly similar to a mafia killing. It failed just because they managed to drug him, hijack him to Bulgaria, take him to court, jail him and later arrange his 'suicide. So yes - things like that happened. However it was never like in the USSR. Don't know the reason, perhaps our mentality is not the same, perhaps we are a little nation so we value human life somewhat more than them. My memories of communism are mostly from the 80s which was just prior to its collapse. It was much more liberal then as compared to what I know about the 50s or 60s. The the ideological part was already collapsing, western culture cracked through censorship (especially music and less so about movies). Untypical for a kid in a communist state, I watched 'Star Wars' in a cinema and had Coca Cola (locally produced joint-venture). It was more like today's China as compared to today's North Korea. But I heard it was much worse in USSR itself back then. Even in the 1980s, you would risk your career if you tell jokes about the Party. They would not send you to a prison or those Belene camps by this time, but they will do their best to prevent you from getting higher in the hierarchy at work. And there was incentive to disclose to DS about your colleague's political jokes - that means you'd have higher chances of getting promoted as compared to him." [Rangelov]

Loyal Soviet Satellite

The Bugarian People's Republic proved to be a reliable slavish Soviet satellite during the Cold War. Dimitrov’s successor, Vâlko Chervenkov, became known as ‘Little Stalin’ for his unquestioning loyalty. The Show Trials showed that this was the wisest approach.

Zhivkov Era (1954-89)

After two relatively short term leaders, Todor Zhivkov, became Bulgaria’s leader (1954). He would control Bulgaria for the rest of the Cold war era. He continued his predecesors policies of slavish loyaltyto the Kremlin. The country appeared to benefit under Soviet protection. This included inexpensive oil (below international prizes) as well as low prices for electricity. housing, and other necessities. While prices were maintained at low levels, the inefficencies of Communism meant that the economy was not very productive and wages as a result were very low. The result was that living stndards were far below those in Western Europe. And Bulgarians had no ability to question the system or seek reforms. The Comminist Party controlled the country through thefearsome SD. Dissidents were brutally dealt with, including disidents abroad. A SD agent assainated disient Georgi Markov in London with a poison pellet fired by an umbrella gun (1978). A similar attack in Paris failed. The SD was even repotedly plotting the assassination of Pope John Paul II who was undermining Communism in Poland. Such alot must have involved the Soviet KGB. Finally as the Soviet Union began to weaken, the Communist Party launched a viious ruthless nationalist (Bulgarazation) campaign (1980s). , when Turks, Pomaks and Roma were pressured into adopting Bulgarian names. Riots and a mass exodus of ethnic Turks resulted.

Bulgarian Economy

Sources

Armstrong, Hamilton. Tito and Goliath (New York: Macmillan Co., 1955).

Bass and Marbury. The Soviet-Yugoslav Controversy, 1948-58: A Documentary Record (New York: Prospect Books, 1959).

Chary, F.B. The History of Bulgaria (ABC-CLIO: 2011).

Crampton, R.J. Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century and After (Routledge: 1997).

Gallagher, T. Outcast Europe: The Balkans, 1789-1989: From the Ottomans to Milošević (Routledge: 2001).

Meier, Viktor. Yugoslavia: A History of Its Demise (Routledge: 2013).

Poulton, Hugh. Who are the Macedonians? (C. Hurst & Co: 2000).

Rangelov, Milen. E-mail message, March 22, 2015.

Sharlanov, Dinyu and Venelin I. Ganev. Crimes Committed by the Communist Regime in Bulgaria (Hanna Arendt Center in Sofia).

Sygkelos, Yannis. Nationalism from the Left: The Bulgarian Communist Party During the Second World War and the Early Post-War Years (Brill: 2011).

Wilkinson. H.R. Maps and Politics. A Review of the Ethnographic Cartography of Macedonia (Liverpool: 1951).

Created: 5:00 AM 10/19/2012
Last updated: 4:30 PM 4/27/2019