Figure 1.--The Indonesian Army began shooting PKI members and loyalists thet got their hands on after the September/Ocober 1965 coup attempt. They firmly believed thst President Sukarno was involved and the evidence suggests that he was. Economic conditions in Indonesia were terrible and getting wiorse at the ctime of the coup. Sukarno because of his economic failure and authorutarian rule was becoming increasingly unpopular, but as leader of the independence movemnt still enjoyed considerable prestige. Suharto and the generals thus proceeded with caution against him. Here we see what looks like a school group demonstrating their support for him. The photograph is dated June 23, 1966, but we are not sure just when it was taken. The press caption read, "Still Rates High with Indonesians: Indonesian children hold pictures of Indonesian President Sukarno during recent youth rally. Despite political upheaval, Sukarnpo, often referred to as Father of the Nation, maintains popular support among people of the island nation." The photograph and presumably the caption is credited to Horst Faas, one of the most influential photo journalists of all time. There are serious problems with both the photograph and caption. The girls here given the way they are dressed are hardly representitive of Indonesian youth. Just look at how they are dressed. And their demonstration with photo placards clearly indicated they are being organized by a political group of some type. In actuality, Indoinesian students had turned against Suksarno and were active in his political downfall. Given the importance of his photo work in Vietnam, one has to question his political knowledge and instincts.

Sukarno's was a popular independence leader. He took a great interest in international affairs and nuch less interest in economics. And what little interest he did take was to promote socialism which did not work any better in Indonesia than it did in any other newly ndeoendent post-War countries where it was tried. The resulting economic decline in Indonesia adversely affected Sukarno's once formidable popularity. In addition, students began demonstrating against him, not only for his economic failure, but his repressive policies. As a result, Suharto and the other Army general at fist moved cautiously against him. Prefering a campaign of discrediting him before moving openly. As a result there was no great public reaction as the Army began to seize control from Sukrno after the failed PKI coup. The end came as a meeting of Sukarno's full cabinet was held at the Merdeka Palace (March 11, 1966). Students were demonstrating against the Sukarno Government. The students were not controlled by the Army, but the Army encouraged their anti-Sukarno demonstrations. Troops began to assemble outside. Sukarno, Subandrio and another minister still fearing the Army was going to arrest them for participating in the PKI Coup left by helicopter for the Bogor Palace which they believed was more secure. Given the blood-letting assocuated with the supression of the PKI, this was not an unreasonable concern. Gen. Suharto promptly ordered three generals (Basuki Rahmat, Amirmachmud, and Mohammad Jusuf) to the Bogor palace. Their assigment was to arrange a transfer of power. They convinced Sukarno to sign a Presidential Order -- the Supersemar. By this order Sukarno empowered Gen. Suharto to "take all measures considered necessary to guarantee security, calm and stability of the government and the revolution and to guarantee the personal safety and authority [of Sukarno]". It seems likely that Sukarno was forced to sign the document, but there is no definitive knnowledge as to precisely just what occurred. The impact was to formally tranbsfer policy to the Army abd Suharto. With the authority in hand, Suharto proceded to declare the PKI illegal and abolish the Party. He then ordered the arrest of numerous high-ranking Sukarno loyalists charged with being PKI members and/or sympathizers. This further reduced Sukarno's tebuous hold on power. Sukarno made his Nawaksara (Accountability) speech to the Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Sementara (Provisional People's Consultative Congress--MPRS) (June 22). The military had purged it of PKI and pro-Sukarno members. Sukarbo was attemtting to defend himself and his Guided Dmocracy system. Few members believed him. Next Gen. Suharto ended Indonesia's confrontion with neighboring Malaysia, ignoring Sukarno's objections. Suharto also rejoined the United Nations. Sukarno attempted another accountability speech (Nawaksara Addendum) (January 10, 1967). The speech was broadcast to the nation. It was no more sucessdul than the first. It was his final attempt to maintain his hold on power. The principal impact was anti-Sukarno student demonstraions. When a student was shot dead, he was turned into a martyr and the student demostrations became massive. Suharto ordered initiated impeachment proceedings against Sukarno. He was charged with communism, economic negligence, and 'moral degradation' — referring to his womanizing. The MPRS stripped Sukarno of his president-for-life title (March 12, 1967). The MPRS session was chaired by his former ally, Gen. Nasution. The MPR immediately named Suharto acting president. [Ricklefs, p. 295.] Suharto placed Sukarno under house arrest in Bogor Palace. Very little was heard about him in the press from that time. He was essentially powerless. His health began to decline. Suharto ordered that he not be provided adequate medical care for his high blood pressure. Suharto kept Sukarno at Bogor Palace where he was unable to contact potential allies or make statements to ghe press. He remained their until he was near death. Finally he was transfrred to the Jakarta Army Hospital where a few days later he passed away. He died of kidney failure (June 21, 1970). He was 69 years old. The father of his country slipped away from the international stage with little fanfare. He was denied a place in the Heroes' Cemetery in Djakarta. He was quietly buried next to his mother in Blitar, East Java. Indonesian historians today tend to honor him for achieving independence, but that his govening role was one of slogans rather than performance.

Sources

Ricklefs, M.C. A History of Modern Indonesia since c. 1300 (MacMillan: 1991).

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Created: 4:55 PM 9/2/2018
Last updated: 4:55 PM 9/2/2018